The Hindutva, Ram Mandir, And Its Contemporary Dynamics In India.

M A Hossain,

"Hindutva" is not only a mere religious ideology but also a political extremism ingrained in the charter of responsibilities for the revivalist Hindu community. Its historical vision of a 'United Bharat' bears a striking resemblance to the Zionist concept of 'The Greater Israel.' The adoption of Hindutva draws inspiration from the militant ethos of Mussolini's Fascism and Hitler's Nazism. Currently, the governance under the Hindutva-inspired BJP mirrors the approach of an exclusively Hindu nationalist state, akin to the trajectory of Jewish Israel. India, originally founded as a secular state, is undergoing a transformation into an extreme Hindu nationalist state entity harboring aspirations of expansionism rooted in their religious scripture, the 'Puran.'

This imperialistic maneuver mirrors historical precedents set by Italian Fascists and German Nazis, echoing the present-day trajectory of Jewish Israel. It is evident that such an imperialistic hegemony leads to chaos and conflict, as seen in World War II and the ongoing Palestine-Israel conflict. There is a tangible concern that the BJP's Hindutva movement may instigate a new era of chaos and confrontation in the South Asian region.

The Hindutva ideology is not embraced by the majority of Hindus but has gained popularity in India under Narendra Modi's leadership. The intellectual legacy advocated by early Hindu reformists, Ram Mohan Roy (born in 1772), was the pioneer of today's Hindu extremists. In 1875, Hindu guru Swami Dayananda Saraswati established the 'Arya Samaj,' a movement aimed at reviving Hindu traditions. Dayananda was a staunch critic of various faiths, including the Abrahamic religions. He introduced the concept of converting Hinduism, named 'Shuddhi' or purification, and 'Swaraj' advocating for a self-ruled Hindu state in opposition to British colonial rule.

Although Dayananda passed away in 1883, the 'Arya Samaj' continued to take a more active role with the establishment of the "Hindu Sabha" and "Hindu Mahasabha" in 1915. The term 'Hindutva' was stamped by V.D. Savarkar in 1923, marking a pivotal moment in the ideological landscape. Political activist Keshav Baliram Hedgewar founded the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in 1925, contributing significantly to the grassroots expansion of the Hindutva ideology across the Indian subcontinent.

The RSS's direct involvement in politics came after Indian Independence. In 1948, the organization faced a ban following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by one of its members, Nathuram Godse. Subsequently, in 1951, the RSS collaborated with the Hindu Mahasabha to establish the Bharatiya Jana Sangha political party- the precursor to the formation of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Presently, the RSS boasts 65 affiliated organizations and an additional 100 subsidiary groups, collectively recognized as the "Sangh Parivar" or the Sangh family.

In 1980, the BJP was founded as a distinct political entity. Initially securing only two seats in the 1984 general election, its political landscape dramatically shifted in the subsequent 1991 election, where it garnered a notable 120 seats. This significant rise was notably influenced by two pivotal movements, namely the "Ram Birthplace Movement" and the "Rath Journey," orchestrated by the Bishwa Hindu Parishad from 1983.

Narendra Modi's ascent to power with the BJP in 2014 further solidified the party's standing, gaining even more popularity in the 2018 elections. A significant turning point brought about by the extremist Hindutva ideology in India's secular politics transpired with the demolition of the Babri Masjid in 1992. The seeds for this act were sown in 1949 when the Hindu Mahasabha secretly placed a Krishna idol inside the mosque in the hours of darkness. BJP leader Lal Krishna Advani portrayed the Babri Masjid as a symbol of defeat by the Muslims and advocated the construction of the Ram Mandir on its site as a collective atonement for all Hindus' sins.

The Hindutva movement was influenced by Italian Fascism and the German Nazi movement. Its initial pioneers drew profound inspiration from figures like Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler. The paramount impact on Hindutva leaders emanated from the establishment of militant societies and the inception of fervently aggressive fascist youth-oriented organizations. In the year 1931, BS Munje, the mentor of Hedgewar, undertook a visit to Italy where he encountered Benito Mussolini. Subsequently, commencing in 1938, the Nazi forces in Germany emerged as a wellspring of inspiration for the Hindu Mahasabhas. The adherents of Hindutva assimilated the German Nazi methodology employed against the Jews, adapting and applying it to the context within Hindustan. The effectiveness of armed organizations was a common thread in the ascent of Fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany. The deployment of the 'Black Shirt' forces in Italy and the 'Brown Shirt' forces in Germany proved instrumental in propelling Mussolini and Hitler to power. Their aggressive and tumultuous activities significantly shaped the political landscape of that time. The 'Saffron' forces within Hindutva organizations have assumed a parallel role, persisting in their unwavering activities following the historical Black Shirt and Brown Shirt forces.

The Nazi ascent to power in 1933, but SA(Sturmabteilungen) forces persisted in assaulting the opposition. Interestingly, these atrocities often garnered support and endorsement from the common Germans. Cruelty, harassment, beatings, killings, looting, and the destruction of residences and offices became routine activities against political adversaries. Presently, India witnesses a strikingly similar strategy and approach, evident in numerous incidents of violence under the guise of cow vigilance, NRC, or CAA implementation – all representing distinct forms of Nazism. The propaganda employed by the Hindutva movement bears a resemblance to that of the Nazis. Modi initiated strategically designed campaigns to heighten the perception of insecurity among Hindus, employing recurrent references to minority Muslims as a purported threat to the majority Hindus. This portrayal, framing Hindus as local and Muslims as 'external aggressors,' echoes the divisive strategy employed by Hitler, who singled out Jews as the exclusive target of animosity.

The consolidation of control by the BJP and RSS across India parallels the modus operandi employed by Hitler's Nazi Party. A BJP reminiscent of the Nazi party ascended to power through democratic elections. Subsequently, they methodically infused extremist ideology into the governmental apparatus. Analogously, the BJP is executing the Hindutva agenda within cultural and educational spheres. The resounding electoral victory of the BJP and Modi in 2019, surpassing their 2014 mandate, serves as tangible evidence of this ideological implementation. Notably, both Fascism in Italy and Nazism in Germany espoused the concept of expansionism. Similarly, this ambition finds a legacy in the Hindutva's aspiration for a "United Bharat."

The motives of the Hindutva-inspired BJP exhibit heightened aggression towards India's minorities, particularly Muslims. The escalating radicalism and extremism within Hindutva movements foreshadow a surge in hostilities. The dissemination of hate-driven content against Muslims by the media is anticipated to intensify when the alignment of the judiciary and administration with the Hindutva movement becomes visible. The future portends an increase in attacks on Muslims orchestrated by armed organizations affiliated with the Hindutva movement.

Recently, heightened tensions resembling the Babri Masjid demolition have been exacerbated by the leaders of the Hindu Mahasabha. They have explicitly threatened to install an idol of Krishna within the Shahi Eidgah Mosque in Mathura. It was a conspiracy of the Hindu Mahasabha who surreptitiously placed the Krishna idol within the confines of the Babri Masjid in the hours of darkness in 1949. This act paved the destructive trajectory towards the mosque's eventual demolition. Notably, the audacious act undertaken clandestinely in 1949 is now threatening to be carried out overtly in 2021. This development holds profound significance, portending a challenging political crisis on the horizon for South Asia.

M A Hossain, political and defense analyst based in Bangladesh. He can be reached at: writetomahossain@gmail.com

The article published at :

1. Daily Times, Pakistan :24 Jan 24

2. The Catch Line, Pakistan : 25 Jan 24

Is The Political West Pushing Towards A Sunni-Shiite War?

 M A Hossain,

The so-called mainstream media may continue to remain silent or parrot the propaganda of Iranian backed Hamas centering the October 7 raid. While in reality it is a well-established fact that terror-patron Iran was behind the ‘Operation Al-Aqsa Flood’ where Hamas and other Palestinian Jihadist groups, including Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and civilians in Gaza had participated. It is also a proven fact that for years the ruler of Qatar, a Sunni nation, has provided hundreds of millions of dollars towards empowering Hamas while Qatari Emir Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani has been playing the role of the key-patron of Hamas and even granting shelter to kingpins of this Jihadist outfit in Doha. By harboring Hamas kingpins, Al Thani might have thought – he had become the godfather of the Middle East. But he was grossly wrong. Al Thani did not realize, with his cash, he was actually empowering a monster that is totally loyal to Iran – a Shiite nation that would cause harm to any of the Sunni nations in the region, including Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, the United Arab Emirates and also Qatar. 

Iran’s recent missile attack in Pakistan’s Balochistan province, although protected by Tehran’s actions against the terrorist base, in reality has a different angle. Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his cronies consider Sunni Muslims as blood-enemies, while they do not even consider Sunnis as Muslims. Tehran has a broad-based blueprint of ultimately waging war against each and every Sunni nation. Pakistan is just one of Tehran’s vicious targets. As the Israel-Hamas conflict turns into a catastrophe for Gaza residents, just after three months of October 7, Iran has revealed its intention of beginning a Sunni-Shia war across the Middle East and beyond.

Initially, Iranian proxy Shia forces targeted various Western establishments. However, on January 16, Tehran launched air attacks in Pakistan while Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia are in a row. The attacks appear premeditated, provoking warfare by Shiite Iran. The unfolding battle scenario suggests the West, particularly the Biden administration, is orchestrating a Shia-Sunni conflict in the Middle East. In a few weeks, the cloud may clear, revealing another bloody conflict between Shia and Sunni nations.

Political pundits predict that Asia will be a pivotal player in shaping the new world order. With 60 percent of the world’s population, Asia, particularly the Middle East, boasts the richest reserves of explored mineral resources. While the Western economy faces challenges, the Asian economy is collectively emerging as an economic superpower. Militarily, Asia surpasses other continents, including those with nuclear capabilities. In this context, the West is strategically redirecting its political maneuvers from Africa to Asia. The Pentagon is known for its controversial policy of leveraging conflicts between Muslims. Asia is emerging as a game changer for the reorientation of the new world order.

The Iran-Pakistan conflict should not be underestimated. It would not be surprising, if escalation extends to neighboring regions and the Middle East. The timing of Iran’s diversified attacks is very crucial. Shia militias backed by Iran began saber-rattling when Hamas launched its offensive. Recent Houthi attacks in Yemen have alarmed Western nations due to Yemen’s crucial geostrategic significance in sea trade routes. Recently, the US has taken punitive measures against the Houthi rebels. The question may raise why not earlier?, especially when they were previously fighting against the Saudi-led coalition forces. Now, Iran seems compelled to expand the conflict, possibly as a diversion from the Houthi situation.

The EU and other Western nations, excluding the USA, are reluctant to engage in another war. The US, particularly its defense industrial complex, sees an opportunity to sell arms to wealthy Muslim nations through this war.  President Biden’s political image in the US is under scrutiny, when the Republican Party is appearing stronger in the upcoming presidential election. Additionally, the US economy is grappling with the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic. A global war could serve as an economic uplift for the USA. If Asia becomes embroiled in conflict, the USA may gain unparalleled economic advantages over its rivals.

On the other hand, Iran has historically found leverage within the American Democratic Party. During Obama’s era, when Biden served as Vice President, Iran’s military influence significantly increased. Exploiting the Palestinian issue, Iran aimed to position itself as the most influential nation in the Middle East and a leader in the Muslim world. Recognizing a contrast between the US and its traditional allies, Iran seized the opportunity. If Iran can establish itself as a strong defender of Muslim interests, it may lead Muslim nations from the forefront. Sensitivity towards holiest places, including Al-Aqsa, unites Muslims. In this context, Iran and the USA find a convergence of their respective interests.

The West appears to be pushing Muslims into a Shia-Sunni conflict, with Iran targeting Sunni-majority states and nations closely allied with the USA. Iran’s strategy involves attacking Western allies to showcase military strength. However, this tactic would help President Biden to secure approval for military supplies to affected nations, and espionage agencies could exploit opportunities for instigation. Pakistan remains unconvinced that a brotherly nation like Iran would launch an attack against them.

Iran aspires to play a decisive political role in the Middle East, but the Islamic schism makes it a challenging task. To garner Muslim sympathy, Iran utilizes the Al-Aqsa issue as a political stunt. The West seems politically manipulating Shia, pushing for a biased Shia-Sunni conflict. There’s a belief that this conflict could potentially spread across the Middle East, shaping a textbook Shia-Sunni conflict.

M A Hossain, a political and defense analyst based in Bangladesh. He can be reached at: writetomahossain@gmail.com

 This article published at : 

1. Weekly Blitz, BD: 20 Jan 24

2. The Eastern Herald, India: 20 Jan 24

3. The Daily Messenger,  BD: 21 Jan 24

4. Indian Defence Review, India: 22 Jan 24

The Historical Roots and Contemporary Dynamics of Extremism in Pakistan.

M A Hossain, 

In the annals of 2023, Pakistan found itself grappling with an unprecedented surge in terrorist incidents. The Taliban's triumph in Afghanistan has catalyzed the surge, which in turn emboldened and strengthened the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Over the past two years, the TTP underwent a transformative series of mergers, centralizing its organizational framework and recalibrating its operational strategy, exclusively focusing on a war against Pakistan. The ideological and tribal nexus cultivated between the Afghan Taliban and the TTP has conferred an unprecedented level of 'strategic depth' in its history. This has amplified the complexity of Pakistan's struggle against terrorism amidst concurrent political and economic challenges. Interestingly, the genesis of this contemporary terrorism is rooted in a protracted historical perspective that necessitates scrutiny to unearth its foundational causes.

The historical narrative unfolds during the Anglo-Indian era, when Islam, as an institution, faced persistent assaults from British rulers and Hindu revivalists. Islamic scholars emerged as stalwart defenders of their faith, preventing Islam from succumbing to the fate of other creeds in Asia. In 1806, Shah Abdul Aziz Mohaddith Dehlavi declared India under British dominion as Dar-ul-Harb (abode of war), asserting the obligation for Muslims to wage revolt for freedom, equality, justice, and revolution against the British government. In his fatwa, he articulated that expelling the British was the primary objective, thereafter, it was legitimate for Muslims to hold the reins of power. That's why, Shah Abdul Aziz has been viewed as a precursor of the Indian Independence movement. 

The legacy continued with Sayed Ahmad Barelvi, a devoted follower of Shah Abdul Aziz, declaring jihad (war) against non-Muslim rulers, and culminated in his death in the Battle of Balakot in 1831. Islamic clerics and religious educational institutes played a pivotal role in nurturing socio-political consciousness among Muslims, advocating for equality, justice, and Muslim rights within the British Indian context. The Deoband Madrasa, established in 1866, and its scholars actively contributed to the Indian independence movement. While a majority of Barelvis and select influential Deobandi clerics supported the creation of Pakistan, the Kabaliya region (presently Waziristan), was an autonomous zone throughout the British Raj, adhering to Shah Abdul Aziz's fatwa. During the Partition movement, Deobandi Ulema, including Mufti Muhammad Shafi and Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Uthmani, persuaded Kabali chieftains to align with Pakistan, promising the implementation of Sharia rule. Conversely, most Deobandi Ulema, led by Maulana Hussain Ahmad Madani, opposed the creation of Pakistan and the two-nation theory.

After Pakistan's inception, Islamic scholars and jihadist groups found themselves disillusioned and betrayed by the ruling system, as the country remained bereft of governance under Sharia Law. The separation of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) exacerbated the frustration, as its leaders opted for a democratic system.

Jihadist groups had been struggling since 1947 to establish Islamic rule in Pakistan. At times they received state sponsorship against the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and in the Kashmir conflict. President Ziaul Haq harbored ambitions of utilizing the Mujahideen as a proxy force in South and Central Asia. Waziristan was a safe haven for local and foreign mujahideen. The people of this region, entrenched in orthodox Islam and staunch traditionalism, laid the groundwork for jihadist activities. Mullah Powinda was the pioneer of jihad in Waziristan. Present TTP emanates from the Waziristan region. So, the present jihadist activities are not a new phenomenon for Pakistan. 

During the Soviet-Afghan war, foreign Arab Mujahideen got shelter in Pakistan and utilized the land as a launching pad against Soviet invaders. Al-Qaeda capitalized on this opportunity, merging with local groups and fortifying jihadist networks. Even before Al-Qaeda, sporadic jihadist groups in Pakistan aspired to establish a Sharia-ruled nation. The intermittent negotiations between Mujahideen groups and the Pakistani government tighten the resolution over the demand for a modern state and sovereignty, particularly regarding the withdrawal of government security forces from the claimed area.

Since the creation of Pakistan, the ruling system has stumbled numerous times. No democratic prime minister could complete their tenure due to military intervention. The military remains powerful in dictating the political landscape in Pakistan. After 76 years of Pakistan's independence, people are very frustrated, and at present, economic and political challenges made them the worst sufferers. So they sought some alternatives, which became evident during fervent protests by Islamist groups in 2022.

Following the Lal Masjid incident in June 2007, Al-Qaeda and its local offshoots in Pakistan, particularly TTP, openly declared war against the Pakistani government system. After the Taliban-U.S. truce in 2021, more than 40 local jihadist groups merged with TTP, and now they are deeply rooted in society. Day by day, they are growing stronger, and they have expanded their influence to other parts of Pakistan, especially Balochistan. TTP's guerrilla modus operandi reflects their popular support.  At present, they have changed their operational policy where they only target security forces.

In my opinion, the government of Pakistan and its establishment have committed strategic blunders. Firstly, the strategic misstep of expelling undocumented Pashtuns into Afghanistan, ostensibly for security reasons, has backfired. The Pashtun community, historically divided along the Durand Line, vehemently rejects this colonial-era border. The resultant insult and determination among the sensitive Pashtuns to retaliate pose a significant threat. Secondly, there may be reason to believe that Imran Khan has a covert tie with Islamist groups. Imran's PTI could form a government in provinces where jihadist groups are influential. Consequently, sidelining Imran inadvertently aids these jihadist groups in garnering popular support. This confluence of missteps contributes to the complex dynamics fuelling the rise of jihadist influence in Pakistan.

Presently, TTP has extended its influence into Gilgit Baltistan and Balochistan, marking a concerning development. Reports indicate that the Balochistan Liberation Army has forged alliances with the TTP, collectively advocating for Shariah rule in Baluchistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Gilgit Baltistan, and Kashmir. The backdrop of atrocities faced by Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir at the hands of Indian security forces further intensifies the agenda of jihadist groups. Al-Qaeda's strategic plan involves aiding persecuted Kashmiri Muslims once their objectives in Pakistan are achieved. This unfolding scenario raises the possibility of the Pakistani establishment compromising with TTP for a governing system with less sovereignty. On the other hand, shifting the jihadist threat towards Kashmir will ultimately align with the ambition of the military. 

The geopolitical landscape of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East has undergone a profound transformation due to the United States-led 'War on Terror.' Last two decades, this mission has encountered relative failure in achieving political objectives and eradicating purported terrorist organizations globally. Nevertheless, it has yielded economic gains for the military-industrial complex. Regrettably, the aftermath of the War on Terror has witnessed the ascendance of authoritarian regimes in certain Asian countries, undermining democratic values. The Pakistani establishment must recognize that people tend to gravitate towards better alternatives, and countering an ideological movement necessitates the emergence of another ideological force. In this context, coercion and intimidation could risk pushing individuals towards alternative ideological blocs.

M A Hossain, political and defense analyst based in Bangladesh. He can be reached at writetomahossain@gmailcom

This article was published at :

1. South Asia Journal, NJ, USA: 13 Jan 24

2. Eurasia Review, USA: 15 Jan 24

3. The Catch Line, Pak: 15 Jan 24

4. South Asia Monitor, New Delhi:16Jan 24

5. The Asian Age, BD: 17 Jan 24

6. The Arabian Post, Dubai: 17 Jan 24

7. Review Nepal, Kathmandu: 16 Jan24

8. Geopolitical monitor, Canada:17Jan24

9. The North Lines, India : 18Jan24

10. The Daily Messenger, BD: 19 Jan24

11. The Seoul Times, S Korea : 19 Jan24

12. The Daily Excelsior, J&K& L: 25Jan24