M A Hossain,
The 80th anniversary of the Soviet Union’s victory in World War II, commemorated in Moscow on May 9, 2025, carried significance far beyond historical remembrance. The presence of Chinese President Xi Jinping and his extended bilateral talks with Russian President Vladimir Putin signaled a shifting global dynamic—one increasingly influenced by the rise of the Global South and the steady erosion of the post-1945 order dominated by the West.
It would be a mistake to dismiss such events as hollow diplomacy or nostalgia for old alliances. The joint statements issued by Xi and Putin—emphasizing strategic alignment, multilateralism, and international law—reflect a broader challenge to an international system perceived as exclusive, inequitable, and increasingly incoherent.
Skepticism
Over the last decade, the United States, once the principal architect of the liberal international order, has distanced itself from its own global commitments. Successive administrations have withdrawn from international agreements like the Paris Climate Accord and the Iran nuclear deal, weakened institutions such as the WTO and UNESCO, and displayed skepticism toward the United Nations and NATO. This vacuum has invited alternatives—and opportunities—for others to shape a more multipolar world.
Across the Global South, from Accra to Jakarta, many are re-evaluating their place in this evolving order. The West’s repeated use of unilateral sanctions, selective support for sovereignty, and conditional aid has led to growing mistrust. For many, the so-called “rules-based order” appears less about universal norms and more about preserving privilege.
The declarations made in Moscow touch the nerve of this discontent. They reaffirm the principles of sovereign equality and adherence to international law—values that deeply resonate in nations long subject to colonial rule, external coercion, or political marginalization. These countries are not advocating for the collapse of the global system; they are demanding equitable inclusion within it.
Let us not mistake this for Cold War redux. This is not the ideological standoff of yesteryear. What we are witnessing is a multipolar correction—an effort to democratize global governance and inject it with much-needed pluralism. The rise of frameworks such as BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, and regional development banks is not an act of defiance. It is an act of necessity. If existing institutions cannot accommodate the changing contours of global power, then parallel institutions will emerge. That is not disruption; it is evolution.
China’s global strategy—embodied in the Belt and Road Initiative, the Global Development Initiative, and active participation in multilateral organizations—speaks to this logic. While questions persist about its methods and intentions, China’s pitch to the Global South is clear: modernization should not be a monopoly of the West but a shared pursuit.
Many countries in Africa, Latin America, and Asia have welcomed Chinese investment and infrastructure support without the political strings often attached to Western aid. While Washington and Brussels frequently view Beijing through a lens of competition or threat, much of the Global South sees China as a partner willing to engage on more equal footing.
This shift is also fueled by frustration with Western double standards. Arms sales to authoritarian regimes, extraterritorial drone strikes, and economic coercion under the guise of aid have weakened the West’s moral authority. If the choice for developing nations lies between paternalism and partnership, they are increasingly choosing the latter—not out of naivety, but because of lived experience.
The post-World War II global order, built on the ashes of devastation, was intended to prevent precisely the kind of unilateralism that fueled past conflicts. The UN Charter enshrines the principle that no single power should dominate others. Yet today, that principle is being quietly eroded—not by declarations, but by persistent disregard.
The stakes are high. We are entering an era of intensified competition over resources, contested technological supremacy, and growing militarization. The unchecked use of sanctions, military bases in strategic regions, and expansion into domains like space all point to a strained security architecture. In such a context, calls for reforming global governance are not disruptive—they are necessary.
Equitable Order
Importantly, the demand for a more equitable international order is not coming from China and Russia alone. India, Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia, and others have long pushed for structural reforms in the IMF, World Bank, and UN Security Council. They are not advocating for a parallel world—they are demanding fair representation in the one that exists.
The Global South is no longer a passive recipient of global decisions. It is emerging as a collective force—not united by ideology, but by a shared desire for dignity, fairness, and agency. If the West truly values democracy and freedom, it must support democratization of the global system itself. That means moving beyond conditionality and coercion and embracing mutual respect as the foundation of diplomacy.
The failures of the 20th century were rooted in the refusal to share power until it was too late. The opportunity of the 21st is to avoid repeating that mistake by building a world order that is more inclusive, balanced, and reflective of today’s realities.
The commemoration in Moscow was a reminder of what happens when global governance breaks down. The statements signed in its wake are a proposition for how to rebuild it—not as a monopoly, but as a mosaic.
And in that mosaic, the Global South must no longer be relegated to the margins. It must be at the table—not as a guest, but as a partner. That is the future worth striving for. And that is the only way to ensure that peace, once won at such cost, is never again lost to the delusions of supremacy.
M A Hossain, political and defense analyst based in Bangladesh. He can be reached at: writetomahossain@gmail.com
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